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CONGRESS HAS BEEN HIDING

the senate's gall

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SOME GALL THE SENATE HAS

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THE GALL OF COLLECTIVE EVASION

The Record Does Not Disappear by Itself

An Open Address to the United States Congress

To the Members of the Senate and House:

This failure does not belong to one legislator.

One member cannot bury every bill, control every committee, preserve every procedural barrier, manage every floor calendar, and protect every colleague from a recorded vote.

That requires cooperation.

Some of you design the obstruction.

Some enforce it.

Some benefit from it.

Others remain silent because the arrangement protects your seat, party, donors, or future.

Different roles.

Shared result.

Congress avoids deciding—and no individual accepts responsibility.

That takes collective gall.

next class up

This Is a System, Not a Lone Offender

Your defense often begins with isolation:

I did not control the schedule.

I am not the committee chair.

Leadership made that decision.

The other party blocked us.

The other chamber would not act.

Each statement may describe one piece of the process. Together, they reveal the deeper problem.

You have built a structure in which everyone can participate, yet no one must answer.

Leadership controls access to the floor.

Committee chairs control hearings and markups.

Party caucuses coordinate strategy.

Members supply votes, silence, or public cover.

Campaign organizations convert the resulting conflict into donations.

The public receives the failure.

The institution distributes the blame until it disappears.

The Ploy Does Not Require a Secret Meeting

2nd class up

Collective evasion does not require every member to gather in one room and sign an agreement.

It requires only a shared understanding:

Do not force vulnerable members to cast damaging votes.
Do not advance legislation that threatens useful campaign issues.
Do not expose internal divisions unless politically necessary.
Let procedure absorb public anger.
Let party conflict conceal individual responsibility.
Protect the institution because the institution protects its members.

The arrangement survives because enough of you understand the benefit.

You may disagree publicly while cooperating in the preservation of the same machinery.

The performance is partisan. The protection is institutional.

Why the Recorded Vote Must Be Avoided

A roll-call vote destroys ambiguity.

It connects:

The legislator.
The position.
The consequence.

That connection gives citizens a receipt.

Without it, each faction can tell a different story. Members claim support without proving it. Leaders blame insufficient votes without identifying who withheld them. Parties campaign against failures their own procedures helped preserve.

The missing vote does not mean no decision occurred.

It means the decisive action happened somewhere the public could not assign responsibility.

A bill may be denied a hearing.

A committee may refuse to report it.

Leadership may keep it from the floor.

A procedural vote may prevent final consideration.

Delay may carry it beyond the congressional session.

In the Senate, failure to reach the cloture threshold—generally 60 votes on legislation—can prevent a final vote on the underlying measure. U.S. Senate historical overview

The legislation dies.

The names remain protected.

final senate class

Procedure Becomes the Perfect Accomplice

Procedure has legitimate purposes. It can support debate, amendment, deliberation, and minority participation.

But procedure becomes an evasion technique when you use it to prevent the public from learning who stood where.

The rule takes the blame.

The calendar takes the blame.

The committee takes the blame.

The parliamentarian takes the blame.

The opposing chamber takes the blame.

Everyone appears constrained.

Yet Congress created, preserved, and repeatedly employed the structure producing that constraint.

You cannot collectively maintain the machinery and individually deny responsibility for its results.

The Group Protects the Individual

Recorded votes can expose members to voters, donors, party leaders, industries, and future employers.

Avoiding them protects the entire congressional network.

Leaders protect vulnerable incumbents.
Incumbents avoid unpopular positions.
Parties preserve unresolved issues for future campaigns.
Donors hear the assurances they prefer.
Members retain relationships on competing sides.
Former officials carry valuable connections into private employment.

Research has found measurable value in congressional relationships within the lobbying market. American Economic Review, “Revolving Door Lobbyists”

Not every member plans to sell influence.

That is not the point.

The point is that institutional access carries private value. Congress therefore owes the public a complete record of how each member used that access while holding office.

Instead, the group often protects the individual from leaving one.

Full Compensation. Fragmented Responsibility.

As of January 2026, the base salary for members of Congress is $174,000. Clerk of the U.S. House

Each member receives individual compensation.

But when the work fails, responsibility suddenly becomes collective, procedural, and impossible to locate.

You take the salary in your own name.

You campaign in your own name.

You collect donations in your own name.

You claim accomplishments in your own name.

Yet failure belongs to “Congress.”

That division is remarkably convenient:

Personal credit. Collective blame. Public cost.

Silence Is Participation

Not every member creates the ploy.

Some merely accept it.

But silence sustains the arrangement.

If you know leadership buried a bill and refuse to say so, you protect the burial.

If you privately support legislation but refuse to demand a recorded vote, your private support means nothing to the public.

If you condemn obstruction while preserving the obstructive rule, your complaint becomes part of the performance.

If you blame the institution while refusing to reform it, you have chosen the institution.

You cannot stand inside the group, accept its protection, and claim innocence from its conduct.

We Will Follow the Chain

Accountability must extend beyond the final vote.

We will examine:

Who controlled the committee.
Who decided the calendar.
Who requested a hearing.
Who refused one.
Who demanded floor consideration.
Who remained silent.
Who voted on the procedural barrier.
Who benefited when the final vote never occurred.
Who later used congressional relationships for private advantage.

We will record both action and coordinated inaction.

We will judge not only the member who cast the vote, but the network that ensured no vote would be cast.

Put the Entire Group on Record

If the bill deserves passage, bring it forward.

If it deserves defeat, defeat it openly.

If members oppose it, record their names.

If leadership blocks it, identify the leaders.

If a committee buries it, publish who made that decision.

If your caucus coordinated the obstruction, stop presenting the outcome as an accident.

Government cannot remain accountable when decisions emerge from groups but consequences reach no one.

The Collective Shield Will Not Protect You Forever

You have organized power across leadership offices, committees, caucuses, party institutions, fundraising networks, and procedural rules.

Now citizens must connect those same dots.

No more isolated excuses.

No more disappearing responsibility.

No more public performances followed by private protection.

No more legislation dying without political fingerprints.

The question is no longer merely:

How did you vote?

It is also:

What role did you play in ensuring that no vote occurred?

Your group may control whether Congress records its decision.

It does not control whether citizens record your evasion.

You organized to protect one another.

We are organizing to hold the entire structure accountable.

Collective evasion will bring collective exposure.

A missing vote will no longer mean a missing consequence.

INCUMBENCY

incumbency

Filibuster Paralysis and Refusal to Reform It

The Senate's refusal to modify or eliminate the Filibuster -- despite the President urging it -- blocked most legislation requiring 60 votes. The following tallies list for the 119th Senate's record on confirmations, shows Senators under old and new leadership, is choosing procedural paralysis over governing; with leadership's rejected filibuster reform - leaving the chamber structurally gridlocked.

“Look closely at the pattern in the Senator’s negative and no- confirmation vote tallies—there’s a narrative emerging in those numbers.”

[X/] no in voting. [-/] failure to vote, basically the same as a no vote.

-/-/-/-/-/- Capito, Shelley Moore (R-WV)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Cassidy, Bill (R-LA)

X/X/X/X/X/X/X Collins, Susan M. (R-ME)

-/-/-x49 Cornyn, John (R-TX)

-/-/-/-/- Cotton, Tom (R-AR)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Daines, Steve (R-MT)

-/-/-/-/- Ernst, Joni (R-IA)

(-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Graham, Lindsey); - Graham, Darline (R-SC)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Hagerty, Bill (R-TN)

-/-/-/-/-/- Hyde-Smith, Cindy (R-MS)

-x74/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Lummis, Cynthia M. (R-WY)

-/- Marshall, Roger (R-KS)

-/-/-/-/-x74/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/X/X/X/X/X McConnell, Mitch (R-KY)

(-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Mullin, Markwayne); Armstrong, Alan (R-OK)

-/-/- Ricketts, Pete (R-NE)

-/-x49/-/-/- Risch, James E. (R-ID)

-/-/-/- Rounds, Mike (R-SD)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Sullivan, Dan (R-AK)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-x49/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/X/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Tillis, Thom (R-NC)

-/-/-/-/-/-x49/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Tuberville, Tommy (R-AL)

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

-/-/- Boozman, John (R-AR)

-/-/-/-/-/-/- Britt, Katie Boyd (R-AL)

-/-/-/X Budd, Ted (R-NC)

-/-/-/-/-/- Crapo, Mike (R-ID)

-/- Grassley, Chuck (R-IA)

- Hoeven, John (R-ND)

Husted, Jon (R-OH)

-/-/- Johnson, Ron (R-WI)

-/-/-/-/-/- Kennedy, John (R-LA)

-/- Lankford, James (R-OK)

-/-/-/-/-/-x48/-/-/- Lee, Mike (R-UT)

-/-/- Moody, Ashley (R-FL)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Moran, Jerry (R-KS)

X/-/-/-/-/-/X/-/-/-/-/X/X/X/X/-/X/X/-/-/X/X/X/X/X Murkowski, Lisa (R-AK)

-/-/X/-/-/-/-/X/X/X/X/-/-/-/-/-/X/X/X/X/X Paul, Rand (R-KY)

- Schmitt, Eric (R-MO)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Scott, Tim (R-SC)

Thune, John (R-SD)

-x49/- Young, Todd (R-IN)

>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

-/-/-x48/- Banks, Jim (R-IN)

-/-/- Barrasso, John (R-WY)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Blackburn, Marsha (R-TN)

-/-/-/-x49/-/-/-/-/- Cramer, Kevin (R-ND)

-/-/-/-/-/-/- Cruz, Ted (R-TX)

-/-x49/-x107/- Curtis, John R. (R-UT)

-/-/- Fischer, Deb (R-NE)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Hawley, Josh (R-MO)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Justice, James C. (R-WV)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- McCormick, David (R-PA)

-/- Moreno, Bernie (R-OH)

-/- Scott, Rick (R-FL)

-/-/-/-/-x107/-/-/-/-/- Sheehy, Tim (R-MT)

-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/-/- Wicker, Roger F. (R-MS)

SEE WHICH LAWMAKERS SHOULD BE PRIMARIED OR RESIGN(Just QUIT):

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public fed excuses

THE RESULTING TALLIES

the tally

non and no

lack of support

tally 2

tally3

ringleader

tally 4

SHOW THE VOTE

just vote darn it.

won't work changing

no leadership

worst 1st 100 days

failed senate

THE SENATE MUST MOVE NOW

THE SENATE MUST MOVE NOW

National security cannot wait on Senate excuses

The Senate’s failure is no longer just political.

It is operational.

When the Senate cannot confirm national-security officials, conduct intelligence oversight, organize committees, or respond to foreign election interference, the chamber is not merely slow.

It is failing one of its highest duties.

The National Security Act of 1947 created the modern national-security structure, including the National Security Council and the Central Intelligence Agency. The Vice President is part of that national-security architecture, but the Act does not make the Vice President ruler of the Senate. That distinction matters. The Vice President’s power remains procedural, not legislative.

the hinge

But procedure can become the hinge.

And this is the moment for that hinge to turn.

The legal bridge is simple

The Vice President cannot say:

“The National Security Act lets me take control of the Senate.”

That would break the constitutional line.

But the Vice President can say:

“The Senate has mandatory national-security responsibilities. If Senate paralysis prevents those duties from being performed, motions to reorganize the relevant committees are privileged and in order.”

That is the bridge.

Not new power.

A new ruling.

Not seizure.

A Senate vote.

Not dictatorship.

A public test of whether 51 senators will let the chamber function.

The Vice President must become the catalyst

The Vice President, as presiding officer, can force the Senate to face itself.

That means:

A reform senator offers a resolution to reorganize blocked national-security committees.
An opposing senator raises a point of order.
The Vice President rules the motion privileged because national-security duties are being obstructed.
Opponents appeal the ruling.
The Senate votes.
If 51 senators sustain the chair, a new precedent is created.

That is how Senate hardball works: not by inventing power, but by forcing the chamber to reinterpret its own rules when dysfunction becomes intolerable. The Senate used similar majority-precedent tactics in 2013 and 2017 to change how cloture applied to nominations.

The question is not whether the Senate can move.

The question is whether senators have the spine to be recorded.

class III senators A

class III senators B

Foreign election interference makes delay intolerable

Election security is national security.

Foreign interference in national elections cannot be treated as one more topic buried under committee delay, leadership caution, or procedural fog.

The Senate must be able to:

Confirm national-security officials.
Organize intelligence oversight.
Review foreign-influence threats.
Move election-security legislation.
Fund defense and intelligence operations.
Conduct oversight of covert action and foreign operations.

If Senate committees cannot act, then committee structure becomes part of the failure.

And if committee structure becomes part of the failure, reorganization becomes part of the remedy.

The ruling that changes the chamber

The Vice President’s ruling should be direct:

“The Chair notes that the Senate has statutory responsibilities relating to national defense, intelligence oversight, and the confirmation of national-security officials. Where existing committee organization prevents the Senate from discharging those duties, a resolution to reorganize the relevant committees is privileged and in order. The point of order is overruled.”

Then comes the appeal.

Then comes the vote.

Then comes the record.

That is the pressure point.

No more hiding behind the words “Senate rules.”

Let every senator decide in daylight:

Will the Senate function, or will procedure keep strangling national security?

class I senators

What this achieves

It keeps the Senate as the final decision-maker.
It keeps the Vice President inside the chair’s procedural role.
It uses the National Security Act as the urgency trigger.
It forces senators onto the record.
It turns paralysis into a vote.
It makes foreign election interference a production issue, not a talking point.

This is the needed correction.

The Senate does not need another speech about duty.

It needs a ruling.

It needs an appeal.

It needs 51 votes.

It needs movement.

THE MOMENT IS NOW

The country cannot wait while the Senate hides behind a cracked shield of procedure.

The Vice President can become the catalyst.
A reform majority can sustain the ruling.
The National Security Act supplies the urgency.
Foreign election interference supplies the warning.
The citizenry supplies the mandate.

The Senate must be forced back into production.

No more fog.
No more dead committees.
No more procedural shelter.
No more national-security delay.

NATIONAL SECURITY FIRST. SENATE EXCUSES LAST.

1st WAVE of SENATORS to RID

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